Attitude towards Impotence and Barren among the Baiga Males of Chhattisgarh, India

 

Jitendra Kumar Premi¹*, Mitashree Mitra²

¹Associate Professor, School of Studies in Anthropology, Pt. Ravishankar Shukla University, Raipur (C.G),

 

ABSTRACT:

Several conceptions and misconceptions prevail in human society about sexual impotency. In different human societies in different human cultures, opinions and criteria regarding impotence vary. Such opinions and criteria become perceptions in that particular society. Such perceptions were also traced in the Baiga community, which are presented in this paper. Objectives of the study are to explore notions about impotence and barren among the Baiga males of Chhattisgarh, India. The universe of our sample is 400 married Baiga males belonging to age 18-49 years. The Baiga tribe is one of seven Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG) of Chhattisgarh state of India. In the present study multi-stage random sampling method were followed. Structured interview schedules, focused group discussions and non-participant observation were used for collection and cross validation of data. According to the findings 33.5% respondents regard those males impotent who in the course of his youthful age could not make his wife pregnant. 30% respondents have the conviction that witchcraft and sorcery are the main causes of suffering from impotency. Perception regarding impotence among the Baiga males is found to be very placid and positive influenced by their age with value of χ2 = 1.153 and value of p is 0.020 at 5% level of significance. More than of half of them (50.8%) agreed that if any woman was unable to conceive, she was castigated as “barren”. Perception about barrenness among the Baiga males is found to be moderate and positively depended on their educational status, with associated value of χ2 = 30.32 and value of p is 0.016 at 5% level of significance. From the observation of multi-nomial logistic regression test, the finding was: in order to, all the above causes were found responsible for the barrenness of any women, which were relative to result as deities, breach of taboos and magic and witchcraft held responsible for barrenness at value of β for predictor's age at marriage of the respondents, i.e., < 18 years had been found to be -1.069 with associated value of p is 0.048 at 5% level of significance. From the extant study one thing that came to light was that those men who are younger in age hold such forces less responsible than their elderly counterparts who happen to be more credulous, even superstitions. The fact also emerged through the study that with the rise in educational status and income, the general attitude of the male Baiga towards barrenness of women have become realistic and scientific.

 

 

 

INTRODUCTION:

Several conceptions and misconceptions prevail in human society about sexual impotency and barrenness. In different human societies in different human cultures, opinions and criteria regarding impotence vary. Such opinions and criteria become perceptions in that particular society. As numerous perceptions and conceptions are prevalent behind a male's and female's suffering or not suffering from impotence and barrenness, in the same way, behind the possibility of its probable causes, several perceptions and conceptions and folk beliefs are presaged all kinds of perceptions and presumptions that are generally held relating to impotency and barrenness, behind them, cultural backdrop plays a pivotal role.

 

Impotence is a symbol for the killing or the subduing of the sexual drive, which is the animating force off the individual¹. If erections are not firm enough to allow vaginal penetration, it is impotent. If erections have the necessary rigidity, but only briefly, it may have an impotence problem. If erection loses its strength upon penetration, once again, it probably has the problem. If any of these conditions apply to any one, it may be time to admit it, and begin to move toward a treatment that can change the life. Impotence is not by itself a disease, but is a secondary condition brought on by other primary causes. It is a side effect, a symptom of something else. Thirty years ago, when men went to their doctors asking for help for erectile problems, they were told that there was no treatment because it was caused by ageing, or that it was "all in their minds"². A generation of research has been conducted in the intervening years. With more knowledge now, doctors divide this very common disorder into four general causes:  psychological, physical (Organic impotence), mixed origin-both psychological and physical and unknown origin.

 

Demographers tend to define infertility as childlessness in a population of women of reproductive age, whereas the epidemiological definition refers to "trying for" or "time to" a pregnancy, generally in a population of women exposed to a probability of conception³. The World Health Organization⁴defines, infertility is “a disease of the reproductive system defined by the failure to achieve a clinical pregnancy after 12 months or more of regular unprotected sexual intercourse (and there is no other reason, such as breastfeeding or postpartum amenorrhoea”. The following causes of infertility may only be found in females. For a woman to conceive, certain things have to happen: intercourse must take place around the time when an egg is released from her ovary; the system that produces eggs has to be working at optimum levels; and her hormones must be balanced⁵.

 

“Infertility may have profound psychological effects. Partners may become extra apprehensive to conceive, increasing sexual malfunction⁶. The emotional losses created by infertility include the denial of motherhood as a rite of passage; the loss of one’s anticipated and imagined life; feeling a loss of control over one’s life; doubting one’s womanhood; changed and sometimes lost friendships; and, for many, the loss of one’s religious environment as a support system”⁷. Infertility, from a mental health perspective, is known to have a profound effect on the lives and identities of women. Most women grow up assuming they will be mothers, and, for many, the urge to have a child is a powerful and complex force. Impacting this desire for children is our society, where biological parenthood and family life are considered normal, desirable and necessary for a successful transition to adulthood ⁸. For the woman diagnosed as infertile, “the heart of the experience of infertility appears to lie in the inability to proceed with one’s life according to life course norms that are both reinforced by others and accepted as valid by the affected individual” ⁹.

 

In many cultures, inability to conceive bears a stigma. In closed social groups, a degree of rejection (or a sense of being rejected by the couple) may cause considerable anxiety and disappointment. Some response by actively avoiding the issue altogether; middle-class men are the most likely to respond in this way¹⁰. When cultural norms and values encourage reproduction and celebrate parenthood, childlessness becomes a potentially stigmatizing status which can adversely affect the identities and interpersonal relationships of married people¹¹.  Society like the Nuer, the social identity of every woman is fundamentally rooted in her procreative powers and the children they create¹². For the Nuer, fertility is the essence of femininity: the comprehensive term for 'woman-wife', cyek or ciEk also means 'fertile'¹³.

 

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY:

1.      To explore notions about impotence and barren among the Baiga males of Chhattisgarh.

2.      To find out myths regarding causes of impotence and barren among the Baiga males of Chhattisgarh.

3.      To examine the causal factors concerning notions and approaches about impotence and barren among the Baiga males of Chhattisgarh.

 

METHODOLOGY:

The Setting:

The nature of present study is a retrospective, quantitative and exploratory and quasi qualitative research. Regarding nature of the present study it has chosen the Baiga tribe. Baiga tribe is considered one of the oldest tribes of India. The Baigas are mostly inhabited in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh states of India. In Chhattisgarh state the largest number of Baigas is found in Kawardha (Kabirdham) district. The Baiga is one of the seven identified Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (formerly known as Primitive Tribal Groups) of the Chhattisgarh state of India. Baiga can be identified by their scanty dress and tangled hair (girda) on the head of male and “V” shaped tattoo on the forehead of the female.

 

The Baiga could consider them a Narotrias, Barotrias, Binjhwars, or Bhumias-all endogamous Baiga group names-Bhumia had other meanings. Baiga considered themselves Bhumia or “lords of the soil”. In addition, Bhumia and Baiga were both occupations titles of non-Hindu village priests in the area, even when the priests belonged to another tribe or caste. Binjhwar any other names might also refer to other tribes, separate from the Baiga^{14, 15}.

The British observers felt the Baigas had migrated into Baigadesh form the east many centuries before, probably much before the more numerous Gonds who established political control over the highlands around the fourteenth century Hindu villagers viewed the Baigas as the original inhabitants and accepted their decisions in boundary disputes¹⁵. A study by the Anthropological Survey of India and the Texas-based Southwest Foundation for Biomedical Research identified seven genomes from 26 isolated "relic tribes" (sic) from the Indian mainland, Baiga being one of them, which shares "two synonymous polymorphisms with the M42haplogroup, which is specific to Australian Aborigines." These were specific mt DNA mutations that are shared exclusively by Australian aborigines and these Indian tribes, and no other known human groupings¹⁶.

 

The Baiga speak ‘Baigani’ which is the largest of Indo-Aryan family¹⁷. It is also believed that the ancestors of the Baigas spoke an Austro-Asiatic language, however no trace of it is left now. Some Baigas have mentioned "Baigani" as their mother tongue in the past: "Baigani” is now recognized as a variety of “Chhattisgarhi” influenced by Gondi and Western Hindi¹⁸.

 

Thirty seven different clans are traced from the present study through the respondents, out of the 37 clans; the prevalence of ‘Dhurwe' was found the highest (39%). The next clan was ‘Maravi', as the second numerically highest (30%), then 10% respondents were traced to ‘Dhurwa' clan, which is followed by, 2.8% respondents from ‘DhudhDhurwa'. 2.2% respondents had their lineage with ‘Parcheti or Parteti' clan.

 

In India total population of the Baiga was 89,744 having 44,847 males and 44,897 females. Only 32.17% Baiga population are literate and 75.66% Baiga women are illiterate¹⁹.

 

MATERIAL AND METHODS:

The universe of our sample is 400 married Baiga males belonging to age 18-49 years were selected through multistage random sampling. The widower, divorced and separated Baiga males were excluded from the present study because they lived without their spouses therefore we were unable to assess their sexual health experiences.

 

The Baiga tribes’ inhabits in India in two states i.e. Madhyapradesh and Chhattisgarh.  In Chhattisgarh they mostly live in three districts namely; Kabirdham (Kawardha), Bilaspur and very few in Sarguja district.  Decidedly concentrations of the Baiga tribe population are habituated at Bodla and Pandariya tehsils/development blocks of Kabirdham (Kawardha) district of Chhattisgarh. That is why, firstly selected Kabirdham (Kawardha) district of Chhattisgarh as a primary stage unit, then Bodla and Pandariya tehsils/development blocks selected as a secondary stage units, after that 28 villages (19 villages from Bodla tehsil/development block and 9 villages from Pandariya tehsil/development block) selected as a tertiary stage units. Finally 400 married appropriate Baiga males i.e. 235 males from Bodla and 165 males from Pandariya tehsils/development blocks were randomly selected as the respondents in the manner of stratification by age, education, occupation etc.

 

The villages were selected on the basis of higher density of Baiga population in the villages. The Baiga villages are found in scattered pattern, some villages are very small ranging from 20-30 households and some are having more than 30-60 households. Therefore number of selected villages reached 28 villages for selecting 400 suitable Baiga males.

 

Structured interview schedule, focused group discussion and non-participant observation were used for collection and cross validation of data.  Prospective respondents were informed about the purpose and nature of the study. They were assured of confidentiality and anonymity, and told their right to withdraw from the study at any time, if, they so desired. Some respondents refused to participate in the study after the initial. Some respondents dropped out once data collection proceeded.

 

The results were analyzed using the 16.0 SPSS package. Pearson’s chi-square test and multinomial logistic regression analysis were used to understand linkages between variables and to predict the responses of the Baiga males’ vis-à-vis male and female infertility.

 

RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS:

Socio-demographic Characteristics

Table no.1 shows the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents'; according to this exploration our selected respondents' mean age was found 32.14 ±8.173 years. Most (67%) of the respondents were young in age. Similarly 65.75% respondents got marriages in their age of ≥18 years and rest of the respondents was taken marriage in very young age, i.e., <18 years. Their mean age at marriage was found 18.30 ±2.804 years. Most (70.75%) of the Baiga male were found as illiterate until the era of 21st century. This data is found to be very familiar to the data of Census of India, 2011¹⁹. Economic status of the Baiga males was found to be very low, their families annual income were calculated only rupees 15677±11071.15.

Table 1 Socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents (the Baiga males)

 

Perception regarding impotence:

According to table no. 2, the majority of the respondents (33.5%) regard those males impotent who in the course of his youthful age could not make his wife pregnant. Then follow those about -one fourth (24.2%) of respondents, who hold such persons impotent who are unable to perform sexual act. 8.5% respondents held the view that impotent male had weak genital organs ,10% of opinion holders had all- inclusive view- those males who had all the three aforesaid traits, they were deemed impotent. As a corollary, 23.8% respondents showed their ignorance. They had no knowledge of the trait in the in the poor sufferer which caused impotence in him.

 

Table 2 Perception regarding impotence among the Baiga males

Mode of perception	No. of respondents	Percent n= 400
Weak genital organs	34	8.5
Unable to make his wife pregnant	134	33.5
Unable to perform sexual act	97	24.2
All the above	40	10.0
Don't know	95	23.8
Total	400	100.0

 

Association of distinct variables on perceptions regarding impotence among the Baiga male from chi-square test:

Table no. 3 shows that perception regarding impotence among the Baiga males is found to be very placid and positive relationship by their age with value of χ² = 1.153 and p = 0.020 at 5% level of significance. The outcome that eventuates is, with the growth in age, various thoughts about impotence of the males expand their mental horizon. So, at the prime of life, vibrant with libidinal power, with such deficiencies or abnormality like impotency, they are not aware of that.

 

Table 3 Association of distinct variables on perceptions regarding impotence among the Baiga males from chi-square test

* Chi-square test is significant at the < 0.05 level (2-tailed).

 

Beliefs regarding causes of impotence:

In the Baiga tribe many conventional and superstitious beliefs manifest themselves in the formulation of causes held responsible for impotence. This, the table no. 4 endorses. As good as 30% respondents have the conviction that witchcraft and sorcery are the main causes of suffering from impotency. Similarly, 13.8% respondents maintained that when a male transgressed or violated a taboo, the nemesis was his impotence. A fringe of believers constituting 4.8% said that the course of impotence was the wrath of the deities. Whenever the local goddesses got furious, they inflicted importance on the victim. Thus, as many as half of the respondents found supernatural elements as the agents causing impotence.

 

The rest of the respondents had a strong apprehension that if a man had carnal relation with more than one women (1.8%) or if  he suffered from general physical debility (6.8%), or if all the aforesaid causes assailed the ill-fated male, then he would be laid down by the un recuperative cause of impotence.

 

Table 4 Beliefs regarding causes of impotence among the Baiga males

 

Perception regarding barrenness:

In comparison to impotence, the misapprehensions about bareness are even widespread and common. In male dominated society women become the easy target of abuse and ill-treatment. In the rural community life also they are worked down upon if they have no issues. Barrenness is regarded as a sterile cause. When the Baiga male was questioned about the traits which made a women barren, more than of half of them (50.8%) agreed that if any woman was unable to conceive, she was castigated as “barren”, then followed those male Baiga- 16.5%- who said that if a woman’s genital organs go slack then she would be incapable of giving birth to children. 6% respondents held physical inability responsible for bareness. Another lot containing equal percentage (6%) thought that if all such traits are found together then the woman would suffer from bareness (Table no. 5).

 

Table 5 Perception regarding Barren among the Baiga males

 

Beliefs regarding causes of barrenness:

In rural and tribal communities barrenness in women is regarded less as a physical problem and more as a socio-religious stigma or problem. Such women, invariably suffers from unspoken psychological setback. In primitive societies conjectures run high and religion and social causes are usually found responsible they become ominous. Such superstitions beliefs are encapsulated in table no.6. As the table shows, the highest number (25.5%) of respondents believed that the black magic and witchcraft cast a spell and caused barrenness locking the fate of the women, 12.5% respondents had the strong premonition that when a women knowingly or unknowingly violated the taboos laid down by the community, then the inevitable result would be her barrenness. 4.5% respondents feared that wherever the gods and goddesses of the community where angry due to a women’s misdemeanor or wrong activities, she was caused by them and thus deprivation and decapacitation was the result.

 

Table 6 Beliefs regarding causes of Barren among the Baiga males

 

Five percent respondents making and eclectic approach, held all the three causes responsible for barrenness. Just opposite to such common (erroneous) beliefs, 6% thought excess of sexual acts; 2.5% considered profligacy sexual laundering with too many men; and 9% surmised physical debility or weakness in the woman, as the chief causes of her predicament. Then, 14.2% respondents were such who gave a broad base to woman’s barrenness- they held all causes, which are described in table no. 136, equally responsible for the wretch’s plight of barrenness.

 

Association of distinct variables on perception about causes of barrenness among the Baiga male from chi-square test:

Table no.7 also reveals that perception about barrenness among the Baiga males is found to be moderate and positively depended on their educational status, with associated value of χ² = 30.32 and p = 0.016 at 5% level of significance. Light is thrown through this finding that those Baiga men who are more developed education wise, contrary to those who are illiterate and ignoramus have greater awareness and are more conscious about the real causes of barrenness among the women.

 

Table 7 Association of distinct variables on perception about causes of barrenness among the Baiga males from chi-square test

* Chi-square test is significant at the < 0.05 level (2-tailed).

 

(ii) The consequence of different bio-cultural variables on perception regarding causes of barrenness from multinomial logistic regression test:

The reasons which the male Baiga hold responsible for the barrenness of a woman, what could be those various social and demographic situations which are behind their forming such opinion - attempts were taken up to explore and establish them for this purpose, the Baigas convictions (or results) were taken as models and their educational status, their age at marriage, the age group, their residential pattern and other such factors and variables were found and put adjacent to the models. In the final analysis, on any Baiga males’ formation of opinion of a woman's barrenness, the factors held responsible, i.e. the scourge of the deities, the breach taboos, sorcery and witchcraft and such other causes as relative were compared and the result was drawn, which got displayed in the table no.8. From the observation of the table, the finding was: for result, all the above causes were found responsible for the barrenness of any women, which were relative to result as deities, breach of taboos and magic and witchcraft held responsible for barrenness at value of β for predictor's age at marriage of the respondents i.e. < 18 years, had been found to be -1.069 with associated p = 0.048 at 5% level of significance. What the conclusion accrues is, those Baigas whose marriage takes place before their attaining 18 years of age and the earlier is the marriage of male Baiga, the lesser will they believe that for the barrenness of women, deities, the breach of taboos, witchcraft, over sexing by women, sex with more than one man, physical weakness etc - all such causes together would be held responsible.

 

For such men with earlier marriage, for barrenness of a woman, only deities, breach of taboos and witchcraft are responsible: On the other hand, their educational status, age, and residential system have no significant importance in their barrenness related perceptions. On the basis of such surmises, possibilities cannot be ruled out that due to Baiga males’ marriages at their earlier age, their wives are under aged and this cause of wives being younger in age is responsible for the latter's not becoming mother. So the Baiga hold the deities, breach of taboos and witchcraft.-the magical activities, responsible for their women's barrenness.

 

Table 8 Consequence of various bio-cultural factors on perception regarding causes of barrenness from multinomial logistic regression analysis

Independent variables	Deities		Breach of taboos		Witchcraft		Over sex
	β	p value	β	p value	β	p value	β	p value
Educational status male Illiterate	1.003	.270	.764	.247	-.115	.838	-.715	.287
Literate	0b	.	0b	.	0b	.	0b	.
Age at marriage for male <18 years	.447	.486	-.779	.148	-.628	.199	-1.073	.097
≥18 years	0b	.	0b	.	0b	.	0b	.
Respondents’ age group <36 year	-.582	.399	.101	.869	-.569	.303	-1.189	.071
≥36 years	0b	.	0b	.	0b	.	0b	.
Type of residence Avanculocal	.472	.933	.220	.964	1.476	.731	2.348	.592
Patrilocal	.727	.274	.767	.171	.323	.538	.614	.336
Gharjamai	20.399	.998	14.899	.998	.361	1.000	.385	1.000
Neolocal	0b	.	0b	.	0b	.	0b	.

 

Table 8. Cont..........

Independent variables	Sex with more than one men		Physical weakness		All above
	β	p value	β	p value	β	p value
Educational status male Illiterate	-.664	.410	-.407	.520	-.486	.410
Literate	0b	.	0b	.	0b	.
Age at marriage for male <18 years	-.674	.403	-1.045	.077	-1.069*	.048
≥18 years	0b	.	0b	.	0b	.
Respondents’ age group <36 year	.240	.787	-.409	.517	-.268	.653
≥36 years	0b	.	0b	.	0b	.
Type of residence Avanculocal	5.254	.221	2.065	.639	2.227	.605
Patrilocal	1.417	.088	.918	.121	.637	.252
Gharjamai	.325	.	.452	1.000	.230	1.000
Neolocal	0b	.	0b	.	0b	.

* Multinomial logistic regression test is significant at the < 0.05 level, the reference category is: deities, taboos and  witchcraft. b. this parameter is set to zero because it is redundant

 

Healers of the impotence and barrenness:

As we know, impotence and barrenness are such serious social and physiological problems which have a direct relation with reproductive health. When the society comes to know that a person is impotent or a woman happens to be barren, them the whole society disdains even perjures or rejects such an unfortunate person. Such a case or situation, though human, is very delicate. Those who are afflicted with such seemingly insuperable problems, they need cure and counseling as early as possible, so that they could find relief from such social and physical (or biological) impasse.

 

To put things in their proper perspective, when the Baiga were asked about their preference, more than half (47.8%) agreed that for the treatment of such cases, their traditional healers, whom they called the “Baiga” should be approached and consulted. Similarly, 13.8% respondents were in favor of referring the problems to their own healers- “Vaidya”, 9.5 % and 9.2% respondents, who recommended government hospital’s doctors and the private doctors, respectively. 19.8% respondents remained noncommittal. They had no knowledge whatsoever as where should are go or whom should one call on for the remedy or relief of such intractable maladies (Table no. 9).

Table 9 Healers of the impotence and barrenness according to the Baiga males

 

CONCLUSION:

On the illumination of the present study it can be concluded that the Baiga males consider those men impotent who are unable to arouse their wives sexually and one unable to make them pregnant. In a similar vein they regard such women barren who have not the generative power to form fetus. In both cases, for physical, religious conditions most of the Baiga males hold the evil effects of witchcraft and sorcery and the curses of supernatural powers of the deities (gods and goddesses) responsible.

 

From the extant study one thing that came to light was, that those men who are younger in age hold such forces less responsible than their elderly counterparts who happen to be more credulous, even superstitions. The fact also emerged through the study that with the rise in educational status, the general attitude of the male Baiga towards barrenness of women have become realistic and scientific. Earlier findings of^{20, 21} have found that among the tribe, health and illness are both a physical and spiritual state and are governed by some spiritual beings and that's why in healing practices, they go for spiritual practices along with medicine to convince the spiritual beings. Findings of these two earlier studies have supported the finding of the present studies. On the elucidation of culmination of the present study  suggested that this kind of study will help to health service providers as well as health policy makers to how they facilitate the people who have less scientifically aware about such health conditions.

 

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS:

This study was financially supported by University Grants Commission, New Delhi, India, under Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India by sanction letter F. No. 36-366/2008 (SR).

 

CONFLICT OF INTEREST:

None

 

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Received on 24.11.2017         Modified on 24.12.2017

Accepted on 20.01.2018      © RJPT All right reserved